Russia's Putin Looking at Cooperation to Fight Islamic State: Agency
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MOSCOW — Russian President Vladimir Putin discussed with his Security Council on Monday potential cooperation with other countries on fighting against Islamic State, Russian news agencies cited the Kremlin's spokesman as saying.
Russia, whose ties with Washington are at their lowest since the end of the Cold War, has not yet responded to calls from the United States to build an international coalition to destroy the radical Sunni Muslim group, which has seized swathes of territory in Iraq and Syria.
"Permanent members of the Security Council exchanged opinions on possible forms of cooperation with other partners on a plan to counter Islamic State in the framework of international law," Interfax quoted Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov as saying.
He did not say who the other partners were.
Islamic State could potentially threaten Moscow as it includes in its ranks a number of Muslims from Russia's North Caucasus region, who have been waging their own insurgency in the mountainous region following two wars between Moscow and separatists in Chechnya in 1994-96 and 1999-2000.
U.S. and French warplanes have struck Islamic State targets in Iraq and on Sunday the United States said other countries had indicated a willingness to join it if it goes ahead with air strikes against the group in Syria too.
(Writing by Thomas Grove, editing by Elizabeth Piper and Dominic Evans)
WASHINGTON — Expressing concern that prominent think tanks may be covertly trying to push the agendas of foreign government donors, the House of Representatives is considering a rule that would require that their scholars testifying on Capitol Hill disclose any such support — a proposal that won immediate bipartisan endorsement on Wednesday.
Representative Jackie Speier, Democrat of California, who drafted the proposal, said lawmakers had a right to know when a foreign government was financing a scholar’s research, even if the foreign government did not control the scholar’s recommendations.
“The American people have a reasonable expectation that these links will be transparent and allow for no appearance of a conflict of interest,” she told a House Rules subcommittee that has started the process of preparing new guidelines to govern conduct during the next Congress, starting in January.
The proposal came in response to an article in The New York Times this month, which found that at least 64 foreign governments, state-controlled entities or government officials had contributed a minimum of $92 million to a group of 28 major United States-based research organizations in the last four years. The total is certainly more, as only those donations made public by the think tank or foreign government could be counted.
Witnesses who appear before the House, under the so-called Truth in Testimonyrule, are already required to disclose if they or the organization they work for has received financial support from the federal government that relates to the topic they are discussing. But there is no such requirement for donations from foreign governments.
Ms. Speier noted that 12 percent of the annual budget at the Brookings Institution, and as much as 20 percent of the funding at the Atlantic Council, two prominent Washington think tanks whose scholars regularly testify on Capitol Hill, comes from foreign governments.
The chairman of the House Rules subcommittee, Representative Rich Nugent, Republican of Florida, and the ranking Democrat, Representative Jim McGovern of Massachusetts, both expressed support for the new requirement, making it more likely that it will be adopted as of next year.
“It is obviously something that all of us would want to know when someone is testifying before us, particularly like in Armed Services,” Mr. Nugent said Wednesday, referring to the House committee that oversees the Defense Department. “It just means from a financial standpoint, from a transparency point of view, what are their allegiances and are they pure, necessarily?”
Experts from the Center for Strategic and International Studies — which has collected money from at least 13 foreign governments, including those of China, Vietnam and Norway — testified before the House Foreign Affairs or House Armed Services Committees at least 17 times during this Congress, while experts from Brookings appeared at least 10 times, according to a count provided by Ms. Speier.
“We ought to know when people come before here and testify whether they are getting funding from foreign governments, because obviously that impacts their perspective,” Mr. McGovern said after Ms. Speier introduced the proposal.
Many of the think tanks, including Brookings, the Atlantic Council and the Center for Strategic and International Studies, already publish limited information about donors on their websites.
But such disclosures, while they have become more common, are not universal. Major think tanks like the American Enterprise Institute and the Hudson Institute do not provide such information. And others allow some governments or foreign donors to remain anonymous, or decline to disclose actual amounts of donations — all of which would be required under the proposed House rule.
Frederick Kempe, the president of the Atlantic Council, said in a statement that he did not oppose the House proposal.
“The Atlantic Council has a policy of full disclosure of U.S. and non-U.S. government funding relationships,” said Mr. Kempe, whose organization received money in the last two years from at least 19 foreign government entities, including the United Arab Emirates and at least four former Soviet republics, like Lithuania and Georgia. “Thus, this sort of rule would be consistent with our commitment to transparency and our disclosure policies.”
H. Andrew Schwartz, a senior vice president at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, rejected any suggestion Wednesday that scholars from his center were taking positions influenced by their foreign donors — or appearing on Capitol Hill as part of an effort to help those foreign nations move their agendas.
“C.S.I.S. does not represent foreign government positions when any of our scholars go to Capitol Hill for testimony or private briefings or in meetings with executive branch officials,” he said in a written statement on Wednesday, adding that his group would comply with the rule if adopted.
A Brookings spokesman, David Nassar, raised objections to the proposal, saying it “could be viewed as intimidation and a constraint on academic freedom” and result in similar requirements in foreign countries, where the United States government supports many think tanks and other nonprofit groups.
“It implies that a witness is dishonest if their home institution receives support from a foreign donor,” Mr. Nassar said in a statement, adding that Brookings scholars’ testimony was not influenced by any donation.
“The right question is not whether a research institution takes money,” he said. “The right question is whether it has the proper review standards and safeguards in place.”
Hans Gutbrod, the coordinator of Transparify, a nonprofit group that has been pushing think tanks to be more transparent, said the House rule should require disclosures about donations from any private source, be it a foreign government or a United States-based company that might also be trying to influence Congress by supporting think tank research.
“This well-intentioned amendment is too narrow in scope,” he said.
Read the whole story
· · · ·
Bodies Attest to Russia’s Role in UkraineNYT Now
By DAVID M. HERSZENHORN and ALEXANDRA ODYNOVA
Even as the Kremlin tries to deny its involvement with fighting in Ukraine and families are pressured to keep quiet, the deaths of soldiers are impossible to ignore.
MOSCOW — Thousands of Russians marched through Moscow on Sunday in an antigovernment demonstration criticizing President Vladimir V. Putin for what they saw as his warmongering in Ukraine.
It was the first large-scale public demonstration against Mr. Putin since March, and one that brought out a sizable but often silent minority of Mr. Putin’s critics despite the patriotic fervor that has seized Russia since his annexation of Crimea in March.
“I am disturbed that Russia is fueling a war in Ukraine,” said Sergey Arefov, a lawyer who had attended opposition rallies here before. “I believe it is very dangerous for us and for Europe.”
In his hand he held a small Ukrainian flag, though he said he was nervous to ride with it on the subway. “I hid the flag,” he said sheepishly. “A year ago, I could never have imagined it would come to this.”
The grinding conflict in eastern Ukraine between the government in Kiev and several separatist republics has left more than 3,000 people dead since March. The West has accused Russia of supplying arms and soldiers to the separatists, a charge that Mr. Putin has denied.
In Russia, the conflict has driven a wave of nationalism. State-run television channels have hounded Russian opposition politicians and celebrities who have spoken publicly in support of Ukraine, and Mr. Putin warned in a recent speech of “national traitors” who could bring down Russia from within.
Mr. Putin probably had in mind some of those who protested on Sunday, many of whom were veterans of the opposition rallies against him in 2011, when more than 100,000 people protested electoral fraud. No one could say exactly why the city government allowed the march to take place, thought it might have been to gauge public opinion.
“I came here just to convince myself that I wasn’t alone,” said Tatyana Nestretsova, an accountant.
In what has become a familiar ritual, the city police underestimated the number of demonstrators at 5,000, while several march leaders overestimated it at more than 100,000. Sonar, a Russian volunteer organization that monitors public demonstrations, said it counted 26,100 attendees.
Ilya Yashin, a leader of previous protests who was at Sunday’s march, said that the people were still the same — “city dweller, middle class” — but that “the agenda has changed.”
“Back then we were protesting against stolen elections; it was a local problem,” he said. “Now Putin has created a global problem.”
One new protester was Regina Shemoyeva, an architect who said she had last demonstrated in 1991 during a failed coup. She said she had never voted for Mr. Putin, but had been glad for the growing stability in Russia. “There was a lot that was good,” she said. “But six months ago our politics took a sharp turn in a bad direction. Now it is just unbearable. I don’t like Russia’s politics in Ukraine. I don’t like what’s happening with the press.”
For a moment on Sunday, a spectacular, crisp fall afternoon, the protest regained an element of optimism and carnival that had melted away since a series of arrests and investigations that put the opposition on its heels.
Dozens of political parties and social movements, many of them marginal and united only in their dislike for Mr. Putin, suddenly reappeared.
“Glory to Kievan Rus’!” a pack of antifascists wearing black clothing and sunglasses chanted in support of the Kiev government. Later, organizers would have to separate them from a column of monarchist nationalists, also opposed to war, who began chanting, “White power.”
Another move toward political resurrection was announced by Mikhail B. Khodorkovsky, the former oil tycoon and rival of Mr. Putin who was released last December after 10 years in prison. Mr. Khodorkovsky, 51, said he was restarting his foundation, Open Russia, and would use it to support opposition candidates in parliamentary elections in 2016.
Mr. Khodorkovsky, who lives in Switzerland, said in an interview published Sunday in Le Monde that he was ready to serve as president of Russia if called upon.
At the rally in Moscow, Yuri Shulipa, a lawyer, carried a navy blue flag bearing the emblem of NATO, which many here believe is behind the violence in Ukraine. “We wanted to say that NATO has friends here,” he said.
A moment later, a man with his face covered snatched the flag out of Mr. Shulipa’s hands and disappeared down an alley.
More than 100 supporters of the separatists were at the rally, and several scuffles broke out.
Yelena Fyodorova, a native of the Ukrainian city of Dnipropetrovsk, banged a drum and chanted, “No-vo-ros-si-ya,” as the separatists refer to their regions. She was among those who later pelted the pro-Ukraine protesters with eggs and tomatoes.
The march ended on a boulevard named for the Soviet dissident Andrey Sakharov, where a police van blared a recorded message: “Dear citizens. This event is over. Please make your way toward the metro.”
They did.
Read the whole story
· · ·
Thousands of Russians marched through Moscow on Sunday in an antigovernment demonstration criticizing President Vladimir V. Putin for what they saw as his warmongering in Ukraine.
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Thousands protest Russia's Ukraine policy by CNNInternational
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While Moscow denies any involvement in Ukraine's crisis, thousands of protesters voiced their mistrust of the Kremlin.
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Thousands of people staged a peace march in Moscow on Sunday to protest against the Russian government’s involvement in the Ukraine conflict.
People of all ages joined the rally and many waved Ukrainian flags, chanting songs and holding banners that read “Hands off Ukraine!” and “No to war,” the Guardian reports.
“This march is to show the people that there’s quite a number of people who are against the war and don’t think that most Ukrainians are fascists,” 28-year-old Mikhail Garder told the Washington Post.
Sunday’s march was the biggest antiwar demonstration in Russia since clashes between Ukraine and pro-Russian rebels began in April.
Officials put the number of protesters at 5,000 but volunteer group White Counter says the number was closer to 26,000 people, the Guardian said.
Many protesters felt the Kremlin was inciting the conflict in eastern Ukraine by equipping the rebels with arms and tanks.
“A war with Ukraine, that’s the most ridiculous, the most idiotic thing that Putin could have come up with,” protester Yuri Smagurov said. “We have put ourselves in such a position that we’re against everybody — against Europe, against ourselves, against the United States, against normal life.”
At one point, several peace marchers clashed with pro-Kremlin supporters along the route but scuffles were quickly stifled by riot police.
Smaller rallies were also held in St. Petersburg and other cities around the country.
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Dark Knight Rises star to take central role in one of two duelling versions of account of National Security Agency files leak, adapted from Guardian journalists book
Joseph Gordon-Levitt has agreed to take the lead role in Oliver Stones forthcoming biopic of the NSA whistleblower Edward Snowden, reports Variety.
Negotiations on the deal have not yet begun, but both men are keen on making it happen. Production on The Snowden Files, titled after the book by Guardian journalist Luke Harding, is due to begin late this year or in the early part of 2015.
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The film, which Stone is writing and directing, now looks likely to be based on two books, Hardings account - full title The Snowden Files: The Inside Story of the Worlds Most Wanted Man - and Time of the Octopus by Snowdens lawyer, Anatoly Kucherena. Stone recently picked up the screen rights to the latter tome after optioning Hardings book in June.
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Британский политик: Западу нужен Путин для борьбы с «настоящей угрозой»
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Window on Eurasia: Western Leaders ‘Don’t Understand at All’ What is Happening in Russia, Sotnik Saysby paul goble (noreply@blogger.com)
Paul Goble
Staunton, September 21 – Aleksandr Sotnik, who has set up an independent television studio in Moscow, says that “unfortunately Western politicians absolutely do not understand what is happening in present-day Russia” and thus are incapable either of assessing the nature of the threat Vladimir Putin represents or countering it effectively.
In an interview with NR2.com.ua, Sotnik says that Putin has assembled around himself backward lumpenized people who dream of Soviet “’greatness’” when “’they feared us and this means they respected us’” and who are all too happy to come out again as exemplars of Homo Sovieticus” (nr2.com.ua/News/world_and_russia/Aleksandr-Sotnik-Kreml-reanimiruet-chekistskogo-Frankenshteyna-stalinskih-vremen-80450.html).
But that is not enough for Putin, the Moscow journalist says. Instead, what is on offer as a result of his intense propaganda campaign which appeals to “the basest instincts” of the population is “the reanimation of the Chekist Frankenstein of Stalin’s times” – angry and suspicion beings who are prepared to see enemies everywhere and ready to kill them.
The regime is clearly preparing to move even further in that direction, Sotnik says, noting that he recently discovered a new prison under construction near Moscow. Supposedly for illegal migrants, it was in fact being overseen not by the migration service but by the interior ministry and suggests Putin wants to “convert the country into a fascist Auschwitz.”
The support Putin is getting from the Russian population reflects many things, he continues: indifference, fear, despair, but also “’convinced Soviet people’” who really want to believe what Putin is saying. These are pure Putinists, “active as a virus and strong and decisive in their plans for career growth. Today is there star hour,” and they are ready to seize it.
While the poll numbers being reported are exaggerated, Sotnik says, his own informal surveys suggest that popular support for Putin is quite high. Most people with whom he has talked say “’Putin is right,’ ‘he is doing everything correctly,’ ‘he is a wise politician,’ and ‘in Ukraine are fascists and a junta.’”
People who say this get most of their information from Moscow television, but they also like to say that they have used alternative channels like the Internet. “No one,” he points out, “wants to feel himself to have been zombified, and it is always possible to find justification for a cannibal-like position.”
Fewer than a third of Russians have ever been abroad, and those who have often find themselves uncomfortable and in a panic run back to what is for them their own familiar and comfortable society. And this desire to restore a past, despite all its horrors, is very much in evidence in the Kremlin itself, Sotnik says.
Citing Churchill’s remark that “’the next generation of fascists will call itself anti-fascist,’” Sotnik suggests that something similar is at work among post-communist Russians and their leaders. Playing games with words and meanings, he points out, is the everyday task of the Russian secret police.
Those who refuse to call along are labelled enemies. And many find it much simpler not to look at the Internet but to go along with what is on television: such people know that by not swimming “against the current,” they won’t have any problems with the authorities or suffer doubts themselves.
And most Russians are prepared to accept the false logic that because “we defeated fascists, we cannot be fascists by definition” and that anyone “who does not love us is a fascist.” Thinking that way is “very simple, convincing and sympathetic,” Sotnik says. But even these people sometimes reflect that they are following leaders who are taking them into a new hell.
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В Брюсселе предотвратили теракт в штабе Еврокомиссии
РБК Бельгийские власти задержали в Брюсселе двоих человек (предположительно, исламистов), которые собирались устроить теракт в штаб-квартире Еврокомиссии, передает голландский телеканал NOS. Задержанных подозревают в связях с группировкой «Исламское государство». и другие » |
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