Are We Overlooking The Black Power Behind Obama? : NPR

Dark Days, Bright Nights

From Black Power to Barack Obama

by Peniel E. Joseph

Hardcover, 277 pages

This political explosion initially took the form of the Black Power Movement, which, though conventionally adjudged a failure, in fact laid the groundwork for a crucial new wave of black leadership culminating in the inauguration of Barack Obama. 

The author makes a persuasive and stimulating case for Obama's election as a vindication for black power, and his book is a vivid and welcome recasting of the history—and the myriad interpretations—of the movement. (Jan.) 

Historian Joseph views President Obama’s election from the spectrum of black power, often considered the “evil twin” of the civil rights movement.

Are We Overlooking The Black Power Behind Obama? : NPR

Saturday February 28th, 2015 at 3:01 PM

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Reimagining The Black Power Movement

Dark Days, Bright Nights: From Black Power to Barack Obama,
By Peniel Joseph,
Hardcover, 288 pages
Basic Civitas Books: $26.00

In an era before multiculturalism and diversity, the Black Power movement introduced a new political landscape that permanently altered black identity. The politics of Black Power scandalized race relations in the United States and transformed American democracy. The daring and provocative rhetoric of activists like Malcolm X and Stokely Carmichael unleashed passionate debates and sparked enduring controversy over the very meaning of black identity, American citizenship, and the prospect of a social, political, and cultural revolution. Malcolm and Carmichael questioned the legitimacy of democratic institutions whose doors were closed off to African Americans. In their lifetimes, both turned to community organizing as a vehicle for empowering black people—Malcolm on some of New York City's toughest street corners and Carmichael in America's Southern black-belt region. As their notoriety grew, both men publicly criticized presidential leadership in regard to domestic race relations, blasted America's participation in Vietnam, and linked struggles against Jim Crow in the United States with anticolonial movements that were raging throughout the world. In doing so, both of these Black Power icons helped to expand the boundaries of American democracy. Black Power activists, no less than their more celebrated civil rights counterparts, contributed to postwar America's transformed landscape. In order to understand the American journey from Black Power to Barack Obama's election as the nation's first black president, we must cast a spotlight on the movement's at-times star-crossed relationship with democratic institutions. Although Obama's election has sparked widespread nostalgia about America's civil rights years, it has offered scant analysis of this watershed historical moment's relationship to Black Power.

But today many still wonder: What exactly was Black Power? At its peak during the late 1960s and early 1970s, Black Power touched every aspect of African American life in the United States. A wide range of the citizenship advocated a political program rooted in Black Power ideology, such as Black sharecroppers in Lowndes County, Alabama; urban militants in Harlem, New York; trade unionists in Detroit; Black Panthers in Oakland, California; and welfare and tenants' rights activists in Baltimore. A broad range of students, intellectuals, poets, artists, and politicians followed suit, turning the term "Black Power" into a generational touchstone that evoked hope and anger, despair and determination. But, in time, this aspect of Black Power was forgotten.

Now, Black Power is most often remembered as the civil rights era's ruthless twin. In most historical accounts of the 1960s, the civil rights movement represents the collective black consciousness of the postwar era. In these accounts, Black Power is then relegated as its evil doppelganger, having engaged in thoughtless acts of violence and rampaging sexism, and provoking a white backlash before it was finally brought to an end by its own self- destructive rage. The movement therefore emerges as the destructive coda of a hopeful era, a fever-dream filled with violent images and excessive rhetoric that ultimately undermined Martin Luther King Jr.'s prophetic vision of interracial democracy.

Black Power represents the manifestation of the brute force and physical rage of the African American underclass. Because it is seen as being devoid of intellectual power, uncomfortable with nuanced debate, and wracked by miseries both seen and unseen, the movement's legacy is considered inconsequential at best and mindlessly destructive at its worst. Yet for a movement that is now reviled, Black Power's impact spanned America's local, regional, and national borders and beyond. It galvanized political activists in the Caribbean, Europe, Africa, Latin America, and much of the world. Regardless of this influence, much of Black Power's history remains obscure and undocumented. Skewed memory too often serves as a substitute for actual history. Historians have only recently begun the long overdue process of rescuing the Black Power era, separating history from myth, fact from fiction. Black Power's origins and geography, activists and ideology, as well as its relationship to the civil rights movement remain pivotal to understanding postwar America. Black Power activists not only operated in the civil rights movement's long shadow, they at times also participated simultaneously in both arenas. In fact, America's Black Power years (1954–1975) paralleled the golden age of modern civil rights activism, a period that witnessed the rise of iconic political leaders; triggered enduring debates over race, violence, war, and democracy; featured the publication of seminal intellectual works; and propelled the evolution of radical social movements that took place against a backdrop of epic historic events. Indeed, black militancy and moderation often fed one another, producing a combative ongoing dialogue between the two that provoked inspiration and anxiety as it also inspired both begrudging admiration as well as mutual recriminations.

Black Power offered a fresh approach to struggles for racial justice. It redefined national racial politics even as local activists used it as a template for regional struggles. These efforts spanned Northern metropolises, Midwestern cities, Southern towns, hamlets out West, to California's eclectic political landscape. The movement's scope broadly impacted world affairs, and Black Power activists found inspiration in Cuba, hope in Africa, support in Europe, and the promise of redemption in the larger Third World. Moreover, the movement's call for social justice and robust self- determination appealed to a wide variety of multiracial and multiethnic groups, who patterned their own militancy after Black Power's rhetorical and aesthetic flourishes. Black Power's influence traversed oceans to impact struggles for racial justice and national liberation around the world.

Rethinking the contours of the Black Power era requires expanding the narrative of civil rights struggles in postwar American history. Conventional histories of the era concentrate on the years 1954 to 1965. These are the years that are bookended by the 1954 Brown Supreme Court decision and the 1965 Voting Rights Act, and they are seen as encompassing the whole—rather than part—of a messy and complicated history. This perspective, one that is now enshrined as public memory of the era, envisions these years as the movement's heroic period. For instance, it is during this period that cultural memory locates courageous civil rights workers who risked beatings, incarceration, and their lives to register blacks to vote. The truth is that both civil rights and Black Power contain a larger historical trajectory and a richer cast of characters than previously assumed. In order to understand the complexity of this historical progression, we must revisit that journey and cast of players.

Both civil rights and Black Power have immediate roots in the Great Depression and the Second World War. If World War II signaled the defeat of fascism and the decline of European colonial empires as it also extended new freedoms to far corners of the globe, it also imbued black U.S. veterans and ordinary citizens with a sense of hard-fought political entitlement. Black Americans were among the fiercest partisans in the efforts to harness the political energies unleashed during wartime so as to secure new rights at home as well as abroad.

Spurred by massive migration, African Americans relocated to urban metropolises in staggering numbers, which turned New York's Harlem neighborhood into a black metropolis during the 1920s. Then, in the 1940s, the Great Migration's second act exploded in a rush of energy that was as ferocious as it was hopeful. In addition to this new energy, it was also in bracing numbers that eclipsed its earlier incarnation. Because of this, it was during this time that black Americans led a national movement for social justice that stretched from urban inner cities, to rural Southern labor factories out West, and all the way to the Bay Area cities of Oakland and San Francisco. National political activists such as Paul Robeson and W. E. B. Du Bois became icons of this age, which combined dynamic political action with cultural organizing that made the prospect for radical democracy in the United States seem inevitable. The war's freedom surge created unprecedented political alliances that featured the venerable National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) in cooperation with Robeson's militant Council on African Affairs. Walking in lockstep with these new times was the eminent black scholar and civil rights activist William Edward Burghardt Du Bois. He headlined a broad coalition of human rights activists who placed optimistic faith in the United Nations as a harbinger for a new world. Robeson and Du Bois served as internationally known luminaries of racial justice, even as grassroots movements were led at the local level by activists like Ella Baker, the NAACP branch director and future founder of the Student Non Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC).

The black radicals who came of political age during the Great Depression and the war years preached a gospel of freedom whose resolute and at times strident message seemed inspired by Old Testament prophets. For instance, Asa Phillip Randolph emerged as the era's most powerful black labor activist, sparking a March On Washington Movement. He then used the threat of mass demonstration to coerce President Franklin Delano Roosevelt into issuing an executive order—though largely symbolic—banning segregation in the armed forces. This action then provided the historical context for a second March On Washington two decades later. Collectively, the black radicals of this time set an agenda for a new world order that sprang from aligning domestic struggles against Jim Crow with international crusades against fascism and colonialism. But the advent of the Cold War would disappoint them.

Those early civil rights organizations who interpreted racism as an international issue looked toward the United Nations for help in defining human rights as a global movement that encompassed racial equality. However, the 1948 Truman Doctrine's promise of a global movement to spread democracy engendered a hard peace through the threat of a worldwide atomic war. Cold War politics stymied the effectiveness of civil rights militancy and blunted the cohesiveness of civil rights coalitions. It was then during the years between 1954 and 1965 that America's new political center offered the carrot of desegregation and voting rights against the stick of red-baiting to a burgeoning Southern civil rights movement. Over time, African independence movements and the Cuban Revolution would complicate this arrangement. Both the civil rights and Black Power Movements drew inspiration from postwar freedom surges. The difference between them, however, was that while the Southern civil rights movement navigated within Cold War- designated boundaries, Black Power activists were inspired by the radical political struggles that abounded during the Great Depression and war years. Against the backdrop of the Cold War's political constraints that smeared desegregation efforts in the South was anti-Communist propaganda claiming that Black Power activists embarked on a dangerous course that openly embraced association with left-wing political forces both domestically and overseas.

Reprinted from Dark Days, Bright Nights: From Black Power to Barack Obama with permission from Basic Civitas Books. Copyright (c) 2010 by Peniel Joseph. 

See also: 

black power movements and obama - Google Search

From Black Power to Barack Obama

Early Black Power radicals, most notably Malcolm X, drew strength and power from the international arena, paying particularly close attention to the 1955 Bandung Conference in Indonesia, Ghanaian independence in 1957 and the Cuban Revolution of 1959. When Fidel Castro came to Harlem in 1960, the first leader he met with was Malcolm X. In February of 1961 what several years later would become known as Black Power made its national debut via an organized demonstration at the United Nations in protest against the assassination of Patrice Lumumba, the prime minister of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

1968 was also the year of the Black Panthers, perhaps the most enduring symbol of Black Power era radicalism.

Barack Obama is a direct beneficiary of this rich and varied legacy.

Yet, when we take a closer look, Obama has all the trappings of a strong, if closeted, race man, complete with a lovely black wife, two beautiful black daughters and membership in a black church that is unabashedly Afrocentric.

Obama’s legacy is still unfolding before our eyes. Ironically, the key to achieving the broad, racially transcendent impact that his soaring rhetoric aspires towards may lie in lessons taught by a Black Power Movement whose legacy Obama is unlikely to ever publicly claim.

black power movement timeline - Google Search

Black Power - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Internationalist offshoots of black power include African Internationalism, pan-Africanism, black nationalism, and black supremacy.

In apartheid South Africa, Nelson Mandela's African National Congress used the call-and-response chant "Amandla! (Power!)", "Ngawethu! (The power is ours!)" from the late 1950s onward.^[15]

 Malcolm X, national representative of the Nation of Islam, also launched an extended critique of nonviolence and integrationism at this time. After seeing the increasing militancy of blacks in the wake of the 16th Street Baptist Church bombing, and wearying of the domination of Elijah Muhammed over the Nation of Islam, Malcolm left that organization and engaged with the mainstream of the Civil Rights Movement. Malcolm was now open to voluntary integration as a long-term goal, but still supported armed self-defense, self-reliance, and black nationalism; he became a simultaneous spokesman for the militant wing of the Civil Rights Movement and the non-separatist wing of the Black Power movement.

Malcolm X - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Nation of Islam - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Black nationalism - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Identity politics - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Black Panther Party - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Reverse racism - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Black Power Revolution - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

New Black Panther Party - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Protests of 1968 - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Volksgemeinschaft - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Black empowerment advocates say Ferguson ruling is ‘dawning’ of a movement

Black empowerment advocates across the country say there's no reason to restrict themselves to lawful protest after a Ferguson grand jury decision not to indict Darren Wilson — a white police officer who shot and killed unarmed black teenager Michael Brown. The rebellion and socialist politics of the 1960s and Black Power movement of the 1970s, often discounted and downplayed by contemporary rights advocates, offer alternatives for black political participation, they say. 

“There has been an all-out assault on the black radical tradition as a viable tradition” in recent years, said Eddie Glaude, Jr., chair of the Center for African American Studies at Princeton University.

Still, “there is a tradition of black politics that isn’t, shall we say, committed to channeling black political behavior solely to elections, being the left wing of the Democratic Party.”

In Rocky Mount, North Carolina, Shafeah M’Balia, a 61-year-old activist with the advocacy group Black Workers for Justice, says that for many young people, Monday’s ruling in Ferguson has “begun a serious question of the participation in the U.S. political system.”

Socialism is another option, some say. During the Cold War, many in the Black Power movement also chose socialism, after top Moscow officials voiced their support for the cause.

Recently deceased politician and civil rights advocate Marion Barry in the 1950s took the middle name “Shepilov,” after Dmitri Shepilov, the Soviet Union’s foreign affairs minister in the late 1950s who was known for his vocal support of civil rights for black Americans.

_____________________________________

Dmitri Shepilov - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia:

On 14 February 1957 Shepilov was once again made Secretary of the Central Committee^[16] responsible for Communist ideology and the next day, Andrei Gromyko replaced him as the Soviet foreign minister. In his new capacity, Shepilov oversaw the Second Composers' Congress in March 1957, which re-affirmed the decision of the First Congress (January 1948) to denounce Dmitri Shostakovich and other formalist composers.^[17] When Shostakovich privately composed a satirical cantata Rayok (Peepshow) later that year (published in 1989), he made one of the basses a caricature of Shepilov^[2]. Shepilov also denounced jazz and rock music at the Congress, warning against "wild cave-man orgies" and the "explosion of basic instincts and sexual urges".^[18]

Anti-Formalist Rayok - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Антиформалистический раек Ф. Кузнецов, Ю. Серов

Uploaded on Nov 29, 2011

Ведущий;
Единицын - И. Сталин;
Двойкин - А. Жданов;
Тройкин - Д. Шепилов.

Первая редакция - 1948; окончательная - 1968.

Music

• • "Antiformalisticheskiy Rayok (Antiformalist Rayok)" by Various Artists, Yuri Serov, Fyodor Kuznetsov (Google Play • AmazonMP3)

Category

• • Music

License

• • Standard YouTube License

Shostakovich Rayok (Peepshow) - YT 
shostakovich rayok (peepshow) - GS 

When Khrushchev was ousted as the Soviet leader in October 1964, Shepilov began working on his memoirs, a project which he continued intermittently until circa 1970. His papers were lost after his death at age 89 in Moscow, but were eventually found and published in 2001.

Шепилов Д.Т. Непримкнувший. Воспоминания

_______________________________________________

M’Balia says that in a country where socialism is tantamount to a four-letter word, most recently hurled by conservatives at Obama’s health care reform project, “the black community must have the right to decide what direction it wants to move in. In a fair world, we could have a rational conversation about what kind of economic system works for us.”

Costello, like many in Oakland’s black empowerment activism circles, blames capitalism for racial inequality.

“We’re living in a capitalist system. We are told in this society, literally, that black lives matter less, in housing and jobs,” she said.

Whether it be rebellion or socialism, Gaude said yesterday’s ruling procured the indignation necessary to re-envision the movement for black power in America.

“What this means, what it will look like — I have no idea. It won’t be a nostalgic longing for Black Power. It’s bound up with this radical tradition that has been reactivated, but I don’t know what its shape and form will be,” said Gaude.

“If anyone tries to tell you what it is, they’re lying,” said Gaude. “But it’s the dawning of something.” 

The Obama Phenomenon: Toward a Multiracial Democracy

Obama and Race: History, Culture, Politics

What Obama's Victory Means About Race and Class

Obama Civil Rights Movement

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