Maui fire update: Aug. 16, 2023 | My Opinion: Was it an arson, or an act of sabotage, or terrorism, or some special anti-US intelligence operation?

Maui fire update: Aug. 16, 2023 | My Opinion: Was it an arson, or an act of sabotage, or terrorism, or some special anti-US intelligence operation? "You will smell the scent of war too ... You will burn in hell! You will not breath!" The location names can be interpreted as the Telling Names

Lahaina (Hawaii fire) is consonant with the Russian "lokh" - fool. 

Maui is consonant with the Russian "Myau", or "Meow", the sound cats make, as the 

The Hypothetical Criminal Signature

"The nice Russian GRU cat did it. Myau!" 

Kot Vaskya, the GRU cat: "MauiLahaina!

And all this on the background of the very puzzling, not satisfactorily explained poor air quality in the Eastern US

FBI - #FBI: You should consider this hypothesis and you should investigate it actively! 

Michael Novakhov | 10:38 AM 8/16/2023 - Post Link

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Maui fire update: Aug. 16, 2023 - FOX 9 Minneapolis-St. Paul

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  FOX 9 Minneapolis-St. Paul

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  USA TODAY

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  The New York Times

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  KABC-TV

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  The Independent

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  Reuters

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  Fox Business

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  The New York Times

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  Forbes  The Washington Post  The New York Times

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  Yahoo News

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  The Weather Channel

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  ABC News

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  The Washington Post

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  The Associated Press

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  CBS News

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  PEOPLE

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  BBC

Donald Trump’s hiring decisions were a disaster and destroyed his presidency. Most leadership experts will tell you that groupthink is one of the most toxic forms of organization that could exist. 

It is entirely counterproductive to have a hive mind of individuals who all agree with each other, not because they truly think that the collective is correct.

But because they are afraid of being cast out of the group. 

George W. Bush and Groupthink

It has been suggested that one of the reasons behind the disastrous invasion of Iraq in 2003 was because groupthink dominated the upper echelons of the George W. Bush Administration. That dominant groupthink was also the reason for why Bush was so slow to course correct.

Lincoln’s “Team of Rivals”

On the other end of that spectrum was Abraham Lincoln’s “team of rivals”. This model allowed for the top leaders of the Lincoln Administration to air their grievances with each other, work through problems together, and posit sensible solutions to the problems that the country was facing at the time. 

It created a degree of dynamism in the White House rather than discord. It helped along the iterative process of decision making during the crisis that was the US Civil War.

Donald Trump Loves Sycophants

Donald J. Trump was elected to the White House partly because of his business acumen.

Voters assumed that the man would be able to navigate a bevy of crises because of his extreme success.

What’s more, many assumed—and Trump made them believe it—that he’d hire only the “very best people” to staff his administration. 

After he hired the likes of Omarosa Manigault and Anthony Scaramucci, to name just two, Trump proved that the “very best people” were not available.

Donald Trump surrounded himself by sycophants and family members and tried to pass them off as the best-and-brightest.

In the few cases where did not hire ineffectual sycophants, Trump hired people who hated him so much and resented his presence in the White House so badly that they actively undermined his presidency in what I have previously referred to as a rolling, administrative coup directed against the forty-fifth president. 

Trump’s personnel were the key element behind his failure as president. 

The people who hated Trump that had been brought in had also learned how to play the boss by flattering him to get what they wanted: more access and power.

Others who were purely sycophants used Trump not to implement a “MAGA” agenda. 

Instead, they used him to propel their own careers in Right-wing media.

Meanwhile, little got done—especially Trump’s promise to “build a wall” and to “make Mexico pay” for that wall.

There were things that Trump did that he should be proud of. But those successes, especially after having lived through the nightmare that was COVID-19, feel like the exception to the rule. 

Telling Trump what he wanted to hear rather than what he needed to hear. Playing on his galaxy-sized ego to get what they wanted rather than what the country required, were all hallmarks of the Trump Administration. 

One story particularly stands out to me. 

At a private event in 2019 in which I was one of the emcees, Rep. Dan Crenshaw (R-TX) gloated about he, Sen. Ted Cruz (R-TX), and Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-SC) cornered then-President Trump in the yellow Oval Office and got the forty-fifth president to act in direct contravention of his stated policy of ending America’s military involvement in Syria

When I asked the congressman how he got Trump to abandon what had become a matter of faith among the “MAGA” crowd, the neoconservative smirked and said coolly, “I just played on the man’s ego.” 

That’s all it took to get Trump to abandon deeply held beliefs (supposedly). The whispering of sweet nothings into his ear. That’s basically what the staff and others Trump had leaned on for advice did to him throughout his four years in office. 

Donald Trump Will Never Change

Whatever claims that Donald Trump has made since leaving office about how he’d run things differently if reelected in 2024, take them with a grain of salt.

His ego is the only thing that matters to him. He’d hire George Soros to be in his cabinet, if Soros praised Trump enough. 

Trump’s personnel choices were strange. Some were sycophants. Others simply told him what he wanted to hear so they could get what they needed. All, however, nodded along sagaciously with whatever musings or claim that Trump made. 

That’s not leadership and that isn’t what America needs from its president. It’s time to turn the page. We need to be done with the gerontocracy and place the next generation in charge. Before we don’t have anything of our country left.

A 19FortyFive Senior Editor, Brandon J. Weichert is a former Congressional staffer and geopolitical analyst who is a contributor at The Washington Times, as well as at American Greatness and the Asia Times. He is the author of Winning Space: How America Remains a Superpower (Republic Book Publishers), Biohacked: China’s Race to Control Life (Encounter Books), and The Shadow War: Iran’s Quest for Supremacy (July 23). Weichert can be followed via Twitter @WeTheBrandon.

From the Vault

‘You Really Oughta Go Home’: F-22 Raptor Stealth Fighter Flew Under F-4 From Iran

A Second American Civil War? 

Something Is Terribly Wrong With Former President Trump

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THE MAFIA, a sex cult and several titans of Wall Street have all been brought down by America’s Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organisations (RICO) Act, a legal tool designed to tackle organised crime. Now a version of it could be used to nail a former president after a grand jury in Georgia indicted Donald Trump, along with 18 of his associates, on August 14th. What are RICO charges and how might they apply to Mr Trump?

Congress first passed the legislation in 1970 while trying to target the Italian-American mafia. In America, you cannot be prosecuted for simply being a mobster; that constitutes a “status crime”, and the Eighth Amendment protects against it. And, as anyone who has seen “The Godfather” knows, the more powerful a crime boss is, the less likely they are to be the one actually getting their hands dirty. To get around this problem, lawmakers developed RICO, a broad statute allowing prosecutors to charge members of a long-running enterprise for their patterns of behaviour and connections to the organisation. Some active involvement is still necessary: the prosecution must prove that the accused committed two out of thirty-five possible offences, ranging from murder and kidnapping to bribery, fraud and obstruction of justice. Defendants face up to 20 years in prison if convicted.

RICO worked, contributing significantly to the sharp decline of organised crime in America in recent decades. The bosses of the five major mafia families in New York, for example, were all felled by RICO charges between the late 1980s and early 2000s. And it is not only useful against those at the top. In 2021 federal prosecutors in Brooklyn brought RICO charges against the Colombo crime family, a mafia entity. The breadth of the legislation allowed prosecutors to levy racketeering charges against the boss and many of his underlings simultaneously. That let them shut down the enterprise quickly rather than having to painstakingly peel off individuals.

Over time, prosecutors began targeting enterprises beyond the mob. In the late 1980s Rudy Giuliani—then Manhattan’s top federal prosecutor, having spearheaded the state’s mob-boss takedown—rocked Wall Street when he threatened two swanky investment firms with RICO indictments. (Mr Giuliani’s pioneering use of RICO-style laws feels ironic now that he is one of Mr Trump’s co-defendants in Georgia.) The threat of the law’s stiff penalties forced one firm to settle on lesser charges; the other collapsed after spooked investors fled. In 2020 New York’s Eastern District used RICO to hand down a 120-year prison sentence to the leader of “NXIVM”, a cult that forced women and teenagers to become sex “slaves”.

More than 30 states have their own versions of RICO laws. But the Georgia statute is particularly broad: it includes many types of crime and is lax on how longstanding an enterprise’s activities must be. That scope has allowed lawyers in the state to experiment with new applications of the legislation—most notably Fani Willis, the district attorney in Fulton County responsible for the case against Mr Trump. Ms Willis has previously used the statute against teachers who conspired to inflate students’ scores in state exams, and rappers associated with the same record label for facilitating criminal gang activity. In both cases, the charges brought by Ms Willis helped define the targeted enterprise in ways others had not done before.

She has done something similar with Mr Trump, positioning him as the kingpin of an enterprise that conspired to “unlawfully change the outcome” of the 2020 presidential election. The case accuses Mr Trump and 18 co-conspirators—a collection of lawyers including Mr Giuliani and politicians including Mark Meadows, Mr Trump’s former chief of staff—of operating in Georgia, Arizona, Michigan and elsewhere “for a period of time sufficient” for the group to “pursue its objectives”, which it claims include defrauding the state, committing perjury, forgery, and theft. (Mr Trump and Mr Giuliani have denied wrongdoing.)

The 19 accused have until August 25th to appear before the court in Atlanta. Unlike the federal act, Georgia’s version of RICO carries a minimum sentence (an undesirable five years), which might compel Mr Trump’s co-defendants to settle and co-operate rather than risk prison time. The outcome will be watched closely. Alan Dershowitz, a former law professor, once derided RICO’s expansive powers as a “cheap” attempt by lawmakers to use “one statute to solve all the evils of society”. Many opponents of Mr Trump will be hoping that criticism proves true. ■

What is RICO, the law at the heart of Trump's Georgia criminal case?  CNN

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